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After a diplomatic mission to Israel in April 2002, when Solana and the Spanish Presidency was not allowed to visit Arafat in his headquarters failed, the EU is becoming more divided on its approach to Israel. European Parliament and the Commission recommends that the proposed trade sanctions against Israel, but the Council has not reached a consensus on this issue with Germany, the Netherlands, the UK and the opponents of such an approach, preferring to support the peace mission of the U. S. Secretary of State Colin Powell. In May 2002, during a meeting in Washington, USA formed a group to the Middle East Quartet, comprising the U.S., EU, UN and Russia. As Ben says Soetendorp, Thusis, more than twenty years after the Declaration of Venice and ten years after the Madrid Conference, the EU is finally fully involved in the peace process in the Middle East.

the second intifada, the United States have significant political influence over the PA, as noted above. Although the leverage of the United States to Israel is quite small (mostly because Germany and the Netherlands are reluctant to do anything against Israel), it may have some pressure, because it takes the bulk of total exports to Israel many of them without the price of gold subject to significant tariff preferences. On the other hand, while the EU’s largest trading partner of the largest Israeli exports to Israel to the EU worth 0.6 billion dollars compared to EU exports to Israel amounted to 0, $ 9 billion. Israel is clearly trying to apply one year as political conditions in terms of the trade agreement of 1995 between the EU and Israel will lead to exclusion from the EU in the peace process in the Middle East. In addition, the impact of EU policy is limited by Israeli mistrust remains deep in the EU for what he sees as pro-Arab policy and Europeans in general, as the shadow of the past that weigh more than the Euro-Israel after the Holocaust. Israel has in fact repeatedly condemned European declarations on the Middle East for its bias to prejudge the outcome of negotiations and how they reflect the views of Arab countries. Venice Declaration reflects the lowest point in relations between Israel and the European Community, which she never fully recovered. When the Sharon government, Israel has continued boycott of officials from the EU / European who visited Arafat.

Even in the political sphere, it is still difficult to reach agreement and the Member States are much less likely to give up its sovereignty. In addition, joint action was taken in haste, more to show what the EU can make the CFSP that due to its content. He was very large, lacked clarity of purpose, and not enough to function. Much of what is in effect already been done or can be made by the Commission in connection with the former CPE.

Another way EU seeks greater role in Meppen is a diplomatic appointment in 1996 of his first special representative in the region, Miguel Moratinos. However, analysts U. S. Agreed that diplomatic remained extremely limited role in its economic presence. National reflexes were always on top, for example, sending the French Minister of Foreign Affairs in Lebanon in April 1996 during the crisis in the Middle East. The appointment of a special envoy to the Middle East that the tone is double-edged sword. On the one hand, it has increased the EU’s visibility in the region. On the other hand, its mandate, although large, should be used as part of intergovernmental cooperation, as it can engage the EU, without the prior consent of the Member States. Accordingly, Mr.. Moratinos was really a very valuable partner for the Special Envoy of the U. S. Middle East, Dennis Ross, helping mediation political agreements between the Palestinians and Israel, using the leverage of the United States with the Palestinians. The appointment of a special envoy was also seen with skepticism Israel and Arab countries. For Israel, it is seen as another sign of the EU’s readiness to intervene in the peace process. Arab states asked Moratinos experience and his ability to play an important political role. Its mandate is very broad and that its obligations will Thusis uncle’s history and how specific activities will complement the existing EU / European institutional framework. However, as Peters says, the presence of the EU Special Envoy lead European policy in the Middle East to become more visible to the regional actors and outside the region to become more flexible and responsive to changes in the peace process and to identify specific areas in which Europe can take concrete steps to help build trust between countries and support the agreements reached. The appointment of special envoy for the Middle East are also filled with great reluctance by the Commission

Chapter Three:. Post-Amsterdam policy formulation diplomatic 3,0 change after 1999?

period of investigation here is a breakdown of the Camp David agreement, under President Clinton in 2000 and subsequent launch of the sponsorship of the second intifada in 2003. The outbreak of the second Intifada and the subsequent election of Ariel Sharon as prime minister of Israel in February 2001 made a return to the negotiating table very difficult. In addition, first, the new Bush administration has used the decline of direct involvement in the conflict. Analysis of the U.S. role played during the current crisis is important for understanding the process of decision-making in CFSP in times of crisis

There are four phases of crisis in the study:. Sharm el-Sheikh and Taba negotiations winter of 2000-2001, the Mitchell Commission, the dialogue on security and humanitarian issues in the spring of 2002 (which is especially effective for termination of the siege of the Basilica of the Nativity in Bethlehem) and the creation of the Quartet. During the crisis, it was noted that the presence of Javier Solana as the representative of the Union as a whole, not particular Member State is an innovative concept, which helped raise the profile of European policy in the conflict.

Three stages can be differentiated in the U.S. involvement in the attacks mentioned above. First, from September 2000-2001, the European Union – as a whole or its Member States – is very active, to establish peace in coordination with the Clinton administration in Sharm el-Sheikh summit, and only the new Bush administration remains in the background. These attempts failed because the parties are unwilling or unable to stop the violence. Then, after 9 / 11, the Bush administration has returned to Meppen with a comprehensive approach to the situation. On the other hand, 9 / 11 LED Association of terror with Arafat. Then came the third phase, which saw the re-evaluation by the Europeans of their position: the force is not the only solution. The Europeans came with a set of proposals to revive the peace process. Two recurring ideas in the proposals are: referendum or elections in the Palestinian Authority to give new legitimacy to the Palestinian leadership and immediate notification of a Palestinian state, whose precise contours will be negotiated with Israel based on UN resolutions 242 and 338. Differences between Member States, however, attended the United Kingdom and Germany insist on priority for security reasons.

3.1 Representative

Since the changes introduced by the Amsterdam Treaty and the appointment of Javier Solana as High Representative, transparency and consistency of EU foreign policy in the Middle East have increased . However, unlike the situation in the Balkans, where the position of Mr Solana is almost comparable with the Secretary General U. S. the country, the Middle East, the Member States still want to participate directly – when they reach their own position outside the common denominator of the EU.

Solana became very involved in various international attempts to deal with the crisis that erupted in October 2000. The crisis turned violent confrontation between Israel and the Palestinians, leading to cycles of repression and retaliation, Israeli military intervention in the Palestinian territories, managed and destruction of infrastructure AP. The aim of the international community at this time is to achieve peace between the parties, the peace process noise can be saved and restarted. A summit was held in October 2000 in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt with Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak, Yasser Arafat, Clinton, Kofi Annan, the leaders of Jordan and Egypt, and Javier Solana as the EU representative. After lengthy negotiations, the parties have agreed in principle to end violence and establish a Committee of Inquiry into crisis. Solana has become one of the five members of the information, Sharm el-Sheikh Find, also known as the Mitchell Commission, the name of former Senator U. S. That results. The recommendations of the Mitchell Commission to end the violence, rebuild confidence and resume negotiations. However, neither side is ready to apply them. Continued fighting and the peace process collapses.

The EU also present during the negotiations in Taba in January 2001. Since the beginning of the second intifada, the EU as a whole seems to have involved himself more in demand solution to the crisis. In February 2002, EU envoy published an article in the Israeli newspaper Haaretz to the Taba negotiations in 2001, detailed areas of agreement and open questions. Thus, Mr. Moratinos has tried to move the public debate in Israel and Palestine Back to questions to be resolved definitively status talks – the assessment of European buildings that Israeli and American approach to treat issues of safety not start work without political vision.

Solana began shuttle diplomacy in a discreet meeting with Israeli and Palestinian leaders. I suggested a plan that was approved by the Council in Gothenburg in June 2001 and will become a major EU strategy to tackle the crisis. The report acknowledges Solana S. U. This is a key partner in a crisis. Europe and the U.S. may have different approaches, but they have the same purpose and must constantly consult each other to ensure that their efforts are complementary. This shows Solana, the EU should also pursue close consultation with UN Secretary General, Russia and Japan. The High Representative has sought to strengthen political dialogue with Israel and carry out relationship of trust with the Palestinians, as I understood that the initiative to resolve the crisis year, which was not supported by both parties is doomed to failure. He also noted that the plan for the year to resolve the crisis should be based on the Mitchell report that even acknowledged that there is an urgent need for a plan that the recommendations of this report become a reality.

During the second intifada, Mr Solana has maintained a high profile in the Middle East, trying at all times to keep the EU and the U.S. while trying to keep Israel in the U.S. containment of moderating their behavior more intolerant of the Palestinian autonomy. In 2002, Mr. Solana has twice been denied access to Arafat by Israel, and during a meeting between Arafat and the EU Special Representative Miguel Moratinos, the headquarters of Arafat has come under Israeli attack helicopters. Despite the lack of confidence in Israel by the EU, Javier Solana was able to maintain the EU’s image in a certain way in Meppen is the role played in the work of the quartet. In October 2002, under the Danish Presidency, the Quartet presented a roadmap that will lead to an agreement to be reached by the end of 2005 with the creation of a Palestinian state. The initiative is mainly based on EU proposals, as we shall see later.

In the first section of this chapter, we saw how in the past, Member States pursue their own diplomacy, if the EU common denominator is less than their own foreign policy. This is particularly the case in France. As written Soetendorp Solana ended this practice and achieved a higher level of coordination between Member States. Through close cooperation with the European Council of Ministers and the presidency of the High Representative has become a valuable agent of the Member States and not as a threat to its sovereignty. The Treaty of Nice is actually strengthened central and the High Representative is responsible for the development of a common European foreign policy.

3.2 Member States and the Presidency

Some Member States wanted the EU to play a greater role, however, in this process. France and Germany presented two plans for a separate peace. The French plan calls for a declaration on the return of Israeli troops to positions before the start of the intifada in 2000, an independent Palestinian state and its recognition of Israel in general elections in Palestinian international supervision for Palestinians, to give the status talks new and more democratic leadership, and ultimately between Israel and the Palestinians. The German plan called for a ceasefire, withdrawal of Israeli troops and international peacekeepers to patrol a buffer zone between Israel and the Palestinian territories, declaring a Palestinian state, an end to Jewish settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and trade at the borders of Israel and the status of Jerusalem . Both plans were discussed at the General Affairs Council in February 2002 and received wide support from other Member States, but not a basis for a new American plan for peace. Indeed, differences remain between Member States. For example, Fischer, German Foreign Minister said that at this stage, the elections could further radicalize Palestinian society. Britain is also in contrast to the year of line with U.S. policy.

This is the third part of this essay. See sections 1.2 and 4, to read the full article.

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